2025 March for Climate: Building a Resilient Taiwan – Joint Demands

Moreover, overdrawing on the carbon budget leaves an enormous carbon debt that is passed on to future generations. Our present myopia and inaction allows rising temperatures to steal away childhoods and leaves them to deal with the consequences of a warming world. To protect their rightful future, we urge the government to raise the 2035 decarbonization target to 52% below the baseline year, to clearly outline a phase-out plan for fossil fuels, and to establish sector-specific goals and strategies for the energy, transportation, and industrial sectors. These steps will send clear policy signals and ensure that all development and investment decisions align with Taiwan’s net-zero commitment.

Our appeal is not only for the sake of the climate but also for the children, so that they may enjoy a safe and healthy future without the gravest consequences of the climate crisis. 

The Spatial Planning Act, born in the aftermath of Typhoon Morakot, aimed at improving land management and spatial planning while responding to climate change, ensuring land use safety, and pursuing sustainable development. It also created an inter-ministerial and multi-level platform for coordination, designed to prevent spatial conflicts and social inequalities that result from silosed bureaucratic decision-making. 

Currently, the lack of coordination and integration among government ministries has led to conflicting energy, agricultural, and environmental policies. Such mismatches not only slow the transition process but also exacerbate social inequities. For instance, in recent years, the expansion of renewable energy has led to the displacement of the agricultural and fishery industries and damage to ecosystems. This highlights that only through orderly, equitable national spatial planning can we guide the development of renewables, ensure transparent and reasonable site selection, balance environmental capacity and social justice, and ensure that the energy transition is a process shared by all citizens. 

In the meantime, national spatial planning is also a core tool for adapting to climate risks. As Taiwan faces severe threats from extreme rainfall, landslides in hillside regions, and seawater intrusion in low-lying coastal areas, the lack of advanced planning risks escalating the costs of disasters. By identifying and understanding the distribution of climate risks, the government can strengthen infrastructure, adjust land-use patterns, and enhance the adaptation capacity and resilience both of the land and of society at-large. 

We must align our national development with ecological conservation policies and formulate a clear 2030 Nature-positive Strategy as well as a 2050 Ecological Habitat Restoration Pathway. Only then can the net-zero target move beyond carbon neutrality, ensure no net loss of biodiversity through establishing Other Effective Area-based Conservation Measures (OECMs), and prevent the collapse of ecosystems from worsening the climate crisis.

To ensure that conservation actions yield tangible results, we need effective management mechanisms that connect government agencies, professionals, and local communities, along with long-term monitoring programs and regular, comprehensive reviews. By centering future climate action around scientific data and local participation, ecological expertise can become the foundation of all climate efforts. We must recognize and respect the rights of Indigenous peoples, including their culture, land, natural resources, and traditional knowledge, so that no one is left behind in our conservation efforts and climate action. 

The climate crisis inevitably impacts the ecosystems upon which all life depends. We must therefore build stable administrative management and professional leadership, strengthen the training, certification, application, and coordination of ecological professionals, and have ecological expertise serve as the bridge towards the dual goals of no net loss of biodiversity and net-zero carbon emissions. 

While international conventions guarantee children the right to express themselves, their opinions are rarely reflected in climate-related policymaking processes, revealing a troubling indifference among decision-makers toward the rights of younger generations. We believe that legal safeguards for meaningful participation by children and youth in climate policy are critical in recognizing climate action as an intergenerational social contract and correcting the myopia of political institutions. 

Moreover, when the government’s climate action falls short, the judiciary must serve as the people’s last line of defense. Under the current system, however, courts often hesitate to intervene, citing the separation of powers and the lack of direct linkages between climate policies and “specific and immediate” violations to individuals’ rights. This creates a paradox where, despite the profound and long-term impacts of climate change and the urgent need for judicial oversight of government response measures, no one is deemed eligible to bring a lawsuit on the matter. 

We therefore call on the legislature to amend the Climate Change Response Act by adding a dedicated section on public interest litigation, and urge the judiciary to broaden its interpretation of standing to recognize the rights of those affected by climate change, especially vulnerable groups, to challenge inadequate government action. After all, only when children and youth have access to judicial remedies, can we truly realize climate justice and secure a safe and healthy future for all generations. 

In light of global overcapacity in petrochemicals and the growing trend toward plastic reduction, Taiwan must set clear plastic reduction targets and rationalize petrochemical production capacity. State-owned enterprises must take the lead in this transformation: the CPC Corporation should strengthen its renewable energy initiatives, adjust its refining production, and gradually reduce petrochemical and plastic production capacity; the China Steel Corporation should set a timeline and budget plan for R&D investment in Direct Reduced Iron (DRI). 

Amid the rapid advancement of artificial intelligence and the associated surge in electricity demand, along with requirements for 100% renewable energy from international brand clients, Taiwan’s information and communications technology (ICT) industry must proactively invest in and adopt renewable energy. It bears the responsibility for its substantial power consumption and must ensure that technological progress becomes a force for sustainability, instead of an exacerbator of the climate crisis. 

The carbon fee remains a critical policy tool for planning and implementing industrial transformation. We urge the government to uphold the polluter pays principle and enact the carbon fee as scheduled. Any postponement would in effect encourage companies to maintain high-carbon operations and trap Taiwan’s economic development and environmental protection in a vicious cycle, ultimately jeopardizing our climate goals, transition outcomes, and low-carbon competitiveness. 

Through the promotion of rooftop solar, agrivoltaics, aquavoltaics, and community-based energy storage and  microgrid systems, we can bring energy closer to end-users, thereby reducing the environmental and financial burdens of long-distance power transmission and enhancing community self-sufficiency. The energy transition is not a mere technological shift, but a transformation in the way of life that enables the public to become active energy citizens. 

Realizing energy security requires a multi-level structure: at the community level, distributed energy and storage systems enhance resilience; while at the national level, the government must strengthen grid management, renewable energy development, and storage deployment through clear strategic frameworks. Only by integrating bottom-up community practices with top-down national strategies can Taiwan maintain stable power supply during extreme weather events and disruptions in international supply chains. 

The energy transition must uphold the nuclear phase-out and gradually reduce our fossil fuel dependence, with energy conservation and renewable energy at the center. Through broad public participation and diversified energy deployment, Taiwan can not only break the constraints of the conventional energy security paradigm but also become a truly energy resilient society that balances energy autonomy and sustainability.

The government’s climate action framework should clearly define the scope of vulnerable groups and develop specific adaptation policies tailored to different communities. It must account for varying physiological sensitivities and activate early protection mechanisms in order to ensure that central and local capacities extend to schools and communities at the earliest possible stage. For instance, accessibility and inclusiveness should serve as core principles in spatial design and services, with affordable assistive devices and cooling equipment provided to people with disabilities. 

Workers across all sectors are also increasingly exposed to the threats of the climate crisis. For instance, with the increased frequency of compound disasters, so grows the intensity of rescue operations and the demand for a greater firefighting workforce. Yet, the recruitment of firefighters struggle to meet annual quotas. To reduce occupational risks, National Fire Agency and local fire departments should review and streamline firefighter duties and institutionalize post-disaster care systems, requiring on-site rehab vehicles with cooling vests, ice machines, and portable cooling pools to help personnel recover from heat exposure. Standardized rotation mechanisms must be implemented to minimize heat-related injuries.

Farmers, fishers, construction workers, and delivery riders also face severe threats to their occupational health and safety as they work longer hours under extreme heat. The Ministry of Labor’s current Guidelines for preventing heat hazards and high-temperature work are not legally binding and leaves workers’ safety to the goodwill of their employers. We urge the government to revise and enforce stricter heat-protection regulations and integrate climate change risks into labor safety frameworks. 

The Ministry of Labor and other relevant agencies should coordinate across sectors to develop industry-specific protection measures, such as mandatory rest periods, heat allowances, and enhanced protective equipment. When workers across industries cannot work safely, the stability and future of society as a whole are at risk. The climate crisis is a social justice and labor rights crisis too. The government must confront this reality and take responsibility for protecting the survival, health, and dignity of all citizens.

We call for the next National Adaptation Plan to take a more comprehensive approach by defining diverse adaptation sectors linked to climate change factors. Based on scientific assessments of current and future climate risks, the NAP should promote collaboration between the central and local governments, cross-sectoral agencies, civil society, and academia, in order to correctly identify potential vulnerabilities and design appropriate adaptation measures accordingly. To reduce the disparities in the quality and effectiveness of these measures across jurisdictions, the central government should also strengthen capacity-building efforts that would enable local government agencies to develop their own adaptation plans aligned with specific risks. 

Post-disaster reconstruction should serve as opportunities to build resilience. The recent Matai’an barrier lake overflow is a telling example: recovery efforts should incorporate future climate risk data, land-use assessment, and social impact analyses to ensure that reconstruction decisions are safe, sustainable, and equitable. Only by incorporating the voices of local communities and climate adaptation considerations, can reconstruction efforts truly help “build back better” towards a society that is better prepared for and more united in the face of escalating climate risks. 

We cannot achieve a just transition by merely expanding the number of green-collar jobs. We call for a broader and clearer definition of the green-collar workforce, one that includes ecosystem protection professionals alongside those in renewable energy, pollution management, sustainability consulting, etc. It is equally important to address potential disparities in spatial distribution, socioeconomic class, and wage levels between old and new occupations, ensuring that emerging green jobs uphold the principles of occupational safety and health and decent work.

As the government presents its legally-required sectoral just transition action plans and the National Just Transition Action Plan by the end of this year, we contend that such plans should identify potential impact hotspots and timelines and allocate sufficient resources to help affected groups integrate into the green economy. The Local Just Transition Governance Platform led by the National Development Council should include diverse stakeholders and directly confront transition challenges such as factory closures and workforce downsizing, and design place-based, context-specific transition measures that reflect local needs and visions.

Corporations, as frontline actors in the transition, also play a role in the pursuit of a just transition. When planning and implementing decarbonization measures, companies should engage with labor unions, establish green collective bargaining agreements, and upskill workers. Through meaningful social dialogue, companies should develop targeted support measures for their employees, value chain partners, and frontline communities. Only through such collaborative efforts can the path toward a just, inclusive, and sustainable transformation truly take root.  

To create an energy transition pathway with minimal social conflict, the government must strengthen democratic participation in renewable energy development. Only by ensuring that all affected communities are treated fairly, that decision-making processes are transparent and participatory, and that local voices are incorporated, can the government assess the ecological and social impacts of projects and maximize the social benefits of renewable energy. 

In the meantime, as temperatures continue to rise, vulnerable populations face unbearable pressures from electricity costs and heat stress. We call on the government to strengthen the connection between energy and social welfare systems, ensuring that electricity subsidies and appliance replacement programs for low-income households are effective in alleviating the hardships energy-vulnerable groups face. 

The growth of renewable energy must not come at the expense of specific groups or communities and must account for the energy needs of all. Citizen participation, oversight, and consensus-building are the foundations to achieving energy justice in Taiwan. 

The repeated overflow of the Matai’an barrier lake, caused by days of torrential rain, brought floods and sediments that washed away bridges, submerged farmland, and caused casualties and severe losses. This was not merely a natural disaster, but a warning sign born of long-standing neglect in land governance. 

Every typhoon or heavy rainfall means our people face the risks of road blockages, food shortages, and destroyed homes. Such fear should not be part of daily life in Indigenous communities.  For generations, Indigenous peoples have protected the mountains and rivers, maintaining a delicate balance between human life and the land. Yet, in national policies, we are often treated as recipients of resettlement or compensation, instead of equal partners in governance. 

Climate justice must begin with Indigenous communities. To defend land sovereignty is not simply to protect a piece of territory, but to safeguard the way of life that coexists with nature and honors ancestral spirits. 

The government must recognize Indigenous governance rights over traditional territories and uphold the principle of Free, Prior, and Informed Consent. Indigenous communities need genuine participation in decision-making processes related to climate policy, energy transition, and post-disaster reconstruction. Only when Indigenous communities reclaim their role as governance leaders can our society truly become resilient. Defending land sovereignty and realizing environmental justice is our responsibility to future generations. 

We condemn Israel for greenwashing its image while simultaneously committing acts of violence, ecological destruction, and human rights violations. We believe that Taiwan’s energy policy must align with principles of human rights and climate justice, avoiding the import of fossil fuels that exacerbate the climate crisis and inflict both ecological and human harm—this also includes Russian coal that fuels the war in Ukraine, and Alaskan natural gas extracted at the expense of Indigenous peoples’ rights. 

Given that the United Nations has recognized Israel’s actions as genocide, not only should the media accurately use the term “genocide”, rather than masking atrocities with euphemisms like the “Israel-Palestine conflict”, the Taiwanese government and corporations should cease funding or exporting weapons components to Israel as well. As doing so not only enables mass violence but also contributes to the massive carbon emissions and ecological devastation. 

We urge the public to engage in responsible investment as well, ensuring that financial resources do not flow to companies involved in arms exports to Israel. Just as Taiwan’s Ministry of Economic Affairs has restricted the export of key weapons components to Russia, the same must be applied to Israel to avoid complicity in the genocide. 

Climate justice and human rights are inseparable. Without ceasing the export of weapons-related technologies and the import of blood-stained fossil fuels, Taiwan will not be able to truly move toward a just and sustainable future.